In letters, memoirs, and journal
entries, the Bloomsbury Group is often alluded to, by members and nonmembers
alike, as a casual association of British intellectuals who converge for
nothing more definite than the discussion of “ideas.” With no manifesto or
doctrine to speak of, the Bloomsburries were bound to each other by personal
integrity, a common interest in art and literature, and a thorough rejection of
the strictures of Victorian morality. Their elitism, however, provoked
criticism from outsiders, who accused them of being “narrow in their interests,
loose in their view of morals, irreverent, unpatriotic, remote, and superior.” Insofar
as they had a keen interest in abstract thought, upheld freedom of speech and
sexual orientation, questioned the authority of tradition, and avoided
conscription in the war, this assessment is accurate. And yet, they believed these
views could all be rationalized as an outgrowth of the ethical philosophy of
G.E. Moore.
Typically, there
was no consensus on the meaning of
Moore’s
Ideal Utilitarianism, nor was there any overriding opinion of its actual
influence on the group. For J.M. Keynes, “it was exciting, exhilarating, the
beginning of a renaissance, the opening of a new heaven on a new earth […] nothing
mattered except states of mind, our own and other people’s of course, but
chiefly our own. These states of mind were not associated with action or achievement
or with consequences.” What
seems to have attracted Keynes most was that
Moore’s philosophy, for him, “made morals
unnecessary,” and replaced traditional notions of religion with a singular
belief in one’s attitude towards oneself and the ultimate essence of things:
love, the cultivation of aesthetic experience, and the pursuit of knowledge. General
rules and conventions could not interfere, and a “Bloomsberry,” it was
supposed, had no obligation to them. As Keynes defiantly states, “I am, and will
always remain, an immoralist.” Leonard
Woolf, however, disagreed with Keynes’s understanding of Moore’s philosophy,
arguing that, on the contrary, it was intensely concerned with right behavior
and what
ought to be done. With faith
in “common sense,” Moore impressed upon the Bloomsbury Group the duty to
question “the truth of everything and
the authority of everyone, to regard nothing as sacred and to hold nothing in
religious respect.” This
calculated irreverence turned them into astute observers of new trends and
movements, while their aesthetic tastes became so rarefied as to compete with
pure Epicureanism.
But as the
twentieth century wore on, the conflict between a life of contemplation and a
life of action assumed greater urgency. Bloomsbury, this essentially insular family
of artists and intellectuals, became increasingly untenable, a judgment shared
by the likes of Stephen Spender, W.H. Auden, and Christopher Isherwood. With a
second world war on the horizon, the question of Bloomsbury’s legitimacy could
no longer be avoided. For decades, its members had lived apart from the rest of
the world, a “watered-down aristocracy […] decidedly unwilling to sacrifice
their independence to the cause of the working-class struggle.” By
the end of the 1930s, it seemed hopelessly outdated. One could no longer ignore
concrete social and political developments, particularly if one had the power
to affect or influence them. The new generation, preparing to succeed the old
and to stake their claim to society, was acutely aware of this fact.
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